Dec 262016
 

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Today is the birthday (1537) – O.S. January 7 – of Yi I (Hangul: 이이; Hanja: 李珥one of the two most prominent Korean Confucian scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, the other being his older contemporary, Yi Hwang (Toegye). Yi I is often referred to by his pen name Yulgok (“Chestnut valley”). He is not only known as a scholar but also as a revered politician and reformer.

Yi I was born in Gangneung, Gangwon Province in 1537. His father was a Fourth State Councillor (jwachanseong 좌찬성) and his mother, Shin Saimdang, was an accomplished artist and calligraphist. He was the grand nephew of Yi Gi, prime minister from 1549 to 1551. In his early years he was the student of Baik In-geol, successor to the master Jo Gwang-jo. It is reputed that by the age of 7 he had finished his lessons in the Confucian classics, and passed the Civil Service literary examination at the age of 13. Yi I secluded himself in Kumgang-san following his mother’s death when he was 16 and stayed for 3 years, studying Buddhism. He left the mountains at 20 and devoted himself to the study of Confucianism.

He married at 22 and in the same year passed special exams with top honors with a winning thesis titled Cheondochaek (hangul:천도책, hanja: 天道策, “Book on the Way of Heaven”), which was widely regarded as a literary masterpiece, displaying his knowledge of history and the Confucian philosophy of politics, and also reflecting his profound knowledge of Taoism. He continuously received top honors in civil exams 9 times in a row. His father died when he was 26. He served in various positions in government from the age of 29, and visited the Ming Dynasty as seojanggwan (hangul: 서장관, hanja: 書狀官, document officer) in 1568. He also participated in the writing of the Myeongjong Annals and at 34, wrote Dongho Mundap, an eleven-article political memorial devoted to clarifying his conviction that a righteous government could be achieved.

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Due to his vast experience in different offices over the years, Yi I was able to establish a wide vision of politics and with the deep trust of the king, became one of the central figures of politics by the time he was 40. His many documents and theses were presented to the royal court but when political conflicts escalated in 1576, his efforts proved fruitless and he returned home. Following his return, he devoted his time to studies and education of his students and wrote several books.

He returned to office at 45 and while holding various ministerial positions, wrote a great deal to record crucial political events and show his efforts to ease the political conflicts that were rampant at that time. However, King Seonjo was noncommittal in his attitude and it became difficult for Yi I to remain in a neutral position in the conflicts. He left office in 1583 and died the following year.

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According to legend, he had a pavilion built near the ford of the Imjin River in his lifetime and instructed his heirs to set it ablaze when the king had to flee northward from Seoul, to provide a guiding beacon. This took place during Hideyoshi’s invasions of Korea at the Imjin war.

Yi I was not only known as a philosopher but also as a social reformer. He did not completely agree with the dualistic Neo-Confucianism teachings followed by Yi Hwang. His school of Neo-Confucianism placed emphasis on the more concrete, material elements; rather than inner spiritual perception, this practical and pragmatic approach valued external experience and learning. Unlike Yi Hwang, who suffered through tumultuous times and did not enjoy being in politics, Yi I was an active official who thought it important to implement Confucian values and principles to government administration. He emphasized learning and self-cultivation as the base of proper administration. Yi I is also well known for his foresight about national security. He proposed to draft and reinforce the army against a possible Japanese attack. His proposal was rejected by the central government but his concerns proved to be well-founded soon after his death, during the Imjin war.

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To celebrate Yi I I am going to wax lyrical about kimchi for a spell. Kimchi ( 김치), also spelled kimchee or gimchi, is, for me, the quintessential Korean side dish made of vegetables with a variety of seasonings, and I like to keep some on hand at all times although in some places where I have lived in recent years it is not always easy to get hold of. Commercially available varieties work well enough, but they do not reflect the huge variety and complexity of products available in Korea. In traditional preparations, kimchi was stored underground in jars to keep cool and unfrozen during the winter months. There are hundreds of varieties of kimchi made from napa cabbage, radish, scallion, garlic, ginger or cucumber as the main ingredients.

The term ji was used until the pre-modern terms chimchae, dimchae, and timchae were adopted in the period of the Three Kingdoms of Korea. The word then was modified into jimchi, and is currently kimchi. Red chili pepper flakes (gochugaru) are now used as the main ingredient for the flavor and heat for many varieties of kimchi. In the 12th century, other spices, creating flavors such as sweet and sour, and colors, such as white and orange, were added.

Kimchi is, hands down Korea’s ultimate national dish. During South Korea’s involvement in the Vietnam War its government requested U.S. help to ensure that South Korean troops could obtain it in the field. South Korean president Park Chung-hee told U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson that kimchi was “vitally important to the morale of Korean troops.” It was also sent to space on board Soyuz TMA-12 with Yi So-yeon after a multimillion-dollar research effort to kill the bacteria and lessen the odor without affecting taste.

Kimchi varieties are determined by the main vegetable ingredients and the mix of seasoning used to flavor the kimchi. The Kimchi Field Museum in Seoul has documented 187 historic and current varieties of kimchi. Ingredients can be replaced or added depending on the type of kimchi being made. The most common seasonings include brine, scallions, spices, ginger, chopped radish, garlic, saeujeot (새우젓, shrimp sauce), eoriguljeot (어리굴젓, oyster sauce), and aekjeot (액젓, fish sauce).

Kimchi can be categorized by main ingredients, regions or seasons. Currently there are over 180 varieties of kimchi. The most common variations are baechukimchi (배추김치, napa cabbage kimchi), baechugeotjeori (배추겉절이, unfermented napa cabbage kimchi), bossam kimchi (보쌈김치), baekkimchi (백김치, white kimchi), dongchimi (동치미, water-based kimchi), chonggakkimchi (총각김치, chonggak radish kimchi), kkakdugi (깍두기, radish kimchi), oisobagi (오이소박이, cucumber kimchi), and pakimchi (파김치, green onion kimchi).

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Kimchi from the northern parts of Korea tends to have less salt and red chili and usually does not include brined seafood for seasoning. Northern kimchi often has a watery consistency. Kimchi made in the southern parts of Korea, such as Jeolla-do and Gyeongsang-do, uses salt, chili peppers and myeolchijeot (멸치젓, brined anchovy allowed to ferment) or saeujeot (새우젓, brined shrimp allowed to ferment), myeolchiaekjeot (멸치액젓), kkanariaekjeot (까나리액젓), liquid anchovy jeot, similar to fish sauce used in Southeast Asia, but thicker.

Saeujeot (새우젓) or myeolchijeot is not added to the kimchi spice-seasoning mixture, but is simmered first to reduce odors, eliminate tannic flavor and fats, and then is mixed with a thickener made of rice or wheat starch (풀). This technique has been falling into disuse for the past 40 years.

White kimchi (baek kimchi) is baechu (napa cabbage) seasoned without chili pepper and is neither red in color nor spicy. White radish kimchi (dongchimi) is another example of a kimchi that is not spicy. The watery white kimchi varieties are sometimes used as an ingredient in a number of dishes such as cold noodles in dongchimi brine (dongchimi guksu).

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Different types of kimchi were traditionally made at different times of the year, based on when various vegetables were in season and also to take advantage of hot and cold seasons before the era of refrigeration. Although the advent of modern refrigeration — including kimchi refrigerators specifically designed with precise controls to keep different varieties of kimchi at optimal temperatures at various stages of fermentation — has made this seasonality unnecessary, Koreans continue to consume kimchi according to traditional seasonal preferences.

Traditionally, the greatest varieties of kimchi were available during the winter. In preparation for the long winter months, many types of kimjang kimchi (김장 김치) were prepared in early winter and stored in the ground in large kimchi pots. Today, many city residents use modern kimchi refrigerators offering precise temperature controls to store kimjang kimchi. November and December are traditionally when people begin to make kimchi. Women often gather together in each other’s homes to help with winter kimchi preparations. “Baechu kimchi” is made with salted baechu filled with thin strips of radish, parsley, pine nuts, pears, chestnuts, shredded red pepper, manna lichen (석이 버섯), garlic, and ginger.

After that little discourse you are on your own. Find whatever you can. My common habit is to eat kimchi with rice, or make it into a soup or stew (kimchi-guk or kimchi jjigae). It’s your choice whether to make it with or without pork. I usually don’t but it makes a hearty meal with it. Without the pork I just heat all the ingredients in water for a few minutes and garnish with green onions.

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Kimchi Jjigae

Ingredients

2 cups chopped kimchi
½ lb pork shoulder (or pork belly), cut into bite sized pieces
2 tbsp hot pepper paste
1 tsp sugar (optional)
2 green onions, chopped
14 oz tofu, cut into bite sized cubes

Instructions

Place all the ingredients except the tofu and green onions in a heavy stock pot and cover with cold water. Simmer until the pork is tender (40 minutes to 1 hour).

Add the tofu and continue simmering until it is warmed through (10 minutes or less).

Serve in deep bowls garnished with green onions and accompanied with rice.

Aug 122016
 

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Today is the birthday (1925) of twins Norris Dewar McWhirter, CBE, and Alan Ross McWhirter, both of whom were athletes, sports journalists, television presenters, and co-founders of Guinness World Records, which began as The Guinness Book of Records, a book which they wrote and annually updated together between 1955 and 1975.

Norris and Ross were the twin sons (Norris was the elder) of William McWhirter, the editor of the Sunday Pictorial, and Margaret Williamson. In 1929, as William was working on the founding of the Northcliffe Newspapers chain of provincial newspapers, the family moved to “Aberfoyle”, in Broad Walk, Winchmore Hill.  Like their elder brother, Kennedy (born 1923), Norris and Ross were educated at Marlborough College and Trinity College, Oxford.  Between 1943 and 1946, both served with the Royal Navy on active service in the Atlantic (escort duty) and the Pacific (minesweeping).

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Ross and Norris both became sports journalists in 1950. In 1951, they published Get to Your Marks, and earlier that year they had founded an agency to provide facts and figures to Fleet Street, setting out, in Norris’ words “to supply facts and figures to newspapers, yearbooks, encyclopaedias and advertisers.” At the same time, he became a founding member of the Association of Track and Field Statisticians.

Norris came to public attention while working for the BBC as a sports commentator, when on 6 May 1954, he kept the time at Iffley Rd track in Oxford when Roger Bannister ran the first sub four-minute mile. His announcement after the race has gone down in sports history because of his droll drawing out of the delivery of the actual result:

As a result of Event Four, the one mile, the winner was R.G. Bannister of Exeter and Merton colleges, in a time which, subject to ratification, is a track record, an English native record, a United Kingdom record, a European record, in a time of three minutes…

The rest of the announcement was drowned out in the deafening uproar.

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One of the athletes in Bannister’s record mile, whom the twins knew and covered on several occasions, was Christopher Chataway, who, as an employee at Guinness, introduced them to Hugh Beaver (managing director of Guinness). After an interview in 1954 in which the Guinness directors enjoyed testing the twins’ knowledge of records and unusual facts, the brothers agreed to start work on the book that would become The Guinness Book of Records. In August 1955, the first slim green volume – 198 pages long – was at the bookstalls, and in four months it was the UK’s number one non-fiction best-seller.

Both brothers were regulars on the BBC television show The Record Breakers. They were noted for their encyclopedic memories, enabling them to provide detailed answers to questions from the audience about world records – both published and unpublished.

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Both brothers had political views that I find repugnant. They were both highly conservative with pro-business, anti-trade union opinions (bordering on libertarian). Both stood for elections as Tory MPs, but were defeated. They also had hard-line policies concerning sectarian violence in Northern Ireland and England.

Ross was a vocal critic of British government policy in Northern Ireland, and called for a “tougher” response by the Army against Irish republicans. He advocated restrictions on the Irish community in Britain such as making it compulsory for all Irish people in Britain to register with the local police and to provide signed photographs of themselves when renting flats or booking into hotels and hostels. In addition, he offered a £50,000 reward for information leading to a conviction for several recent high-profile bombings in England that were publicly claimed by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA).

On 27 November 1975, Ross was murdered by two IRA volunteers, Harry Duggan and Hugh Doherty, both of whom were members of what became known as the Balcombe Street Gang, the group for whose capture Ross had offered the reward. He was shot at close range in the head and chest outside his home in Enfield, Middlesex. Of course I absolutely deplore this murder, and admire his courage for standing out against violence. I will not brook any sentiment that suggests that he deserved to be a target.

Following Ross’s murder, Norris co-founded the right-wing political organization the National Association for Freedom (now The Freedom Association). This organization initiated legal challenges against the trade union movement in the UK, the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), and the European Economic Community (EEC), later the European Union (EU). I don’t agree with any of these stances or their political motivation.

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After Ross’s death, Norris continued to appear alone on Record Breakers, eventually making him one of the most recognizable people on children’s television in the 1970s and 1980s, leading him to be made a CBE in 1980.

Norris retired from The Guinness Book of Records in 1985, though he continued in an advisory role until 1996, when he was forced out by the company, which wanted to downplay the listing of records in favor of dramatic illustrations. Nonetheless, he continued to write, editing a new reference book, Norris McWhirter’s Book of Millennium Records, in 1999. Norris died of a heart attack at his home in Kington Langley, Wiltshire, on 19 April 2004, aged 78.

Several world records that were once included in Guinness World Records have been removed for ethical reasons, including concerns for the wellbeing of potential record breakers. The “eating and drinking records” section of Human Achievements was dropped over concerns that potential competitors could harm themselves and expose the publisher to litigation. These changes included the removal of all liquor, wine, and beer drinking records, along with other unusual records for consuming such unlikely things as bicycles and trees. Nonetheless, the world’s largest, heaviest, etc. foods are still very much in play.

This gallery taken from this site — http://www.foxnews.com/leisure/2013/03/18/top-7-record-breaking-foods/ — gives an idea of why you’re not going to break any records cooking today.

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Frankly, I wouldn’t want to be part of making such gargantuan dishes. They are surely a tribute to quantity over quality which I heartily disdain. World’s most expensive foods don’t float my boat either as in the case of this fish sandwich:

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The Birds Eye company created this sandwich to celebrate the Queen’s 90th birthday. It cost £187 to make.

Most delicious, most artistic, and so forth interest me a lot more, but here we’re dealing with personal aesthetics which are not quantifiable. You might be able to quantify world’s favorite, but that’s iffy. Oxfam recently did a survey of 16,000 people worldwide and determined that pasta was the most popular choice. Big help. What does that even mean? What kind of pasta? Prepared how? In general, food superlatives are of little interest to me. I don’t have a favorite food, as such. My tastes constantly change based on all manner of factors. The list of the foods I’ve disliked the most is fairly short, but, of course, it’s highly subjective, and every one of them is something that some people adore. I’ll die a happy man if I never eat sea cucumber with winter melon again, but it is considered a great delicacy in east Asia. You’ll at least give me credit for eating the whole plateful I was served, even though I wanted to run a mile.

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Basically I think you ought to cook your own favorite today, but given that the McWhirters had a Scots heritage I’ll go with what many people outside of Scotland will grant as a (perhaps uniquely) strange dish in name and construction – crappit heid. Actually when it comes to a competition for strangest name in Scots’ cooking there are a lot of entrants: festy cock, clapshot, rumbledethumps, and fatty cutty are strong contenders. But crappit heid has name and ingredients on its side, even though it’s a great dish. Crappit heid is lowland Scots dialect for “stuffed head” – stuffed fish head to be precise.

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Crappit heid originated in the fishing communities of the Hebrides and North-Eastern Scotland in the 18th century. Money was scarce so the desirable fillets of cod or haddock were be sold by fishermen to markets, but the offal and less attractive parts were retained for the pot. Crappit heid was a common meal in fishing communities, consisting of the head of a large cod or similar sized fish, washed, descaled and then stuffed with a mixture of oats, suet, onion, white pepper and the liver of the fish. This was then sewn or skewered to close the aperture and boiled in seawater. The dish was served with potatoes or other root vegetables in season.

Although once a common dish in Scotland, crappit heid has, like many traditional dishes, become a rarity. Cod livers are now harder to obtain and usually only available if the fish has been caught by local line fishermen. However if you can get them, they add valuable nutrients including, of course, cod liver oil. I don’t live anywhere near the sea at present and can’t get access to whole fresh fish to give it a whirl. I don’t imagine either that any of my readers will want to rush out to snag fish heads for dinner. Here’s a website instead that tells you all you want if you are interested. The URL says it all:

http://foodanddrink.scotsman.com/general/a-history-of-crappit-heid-including-a-recipe-for-making-your-own/

Oct 082015
 

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Today is the birthday (1895) of Juan Domingo Perón, Argentine military officer and politician. I’m deeply ambivalent about this post because there are a lot of things not to like about Perón. But he, and his second wife, Eva, are immensely popular in Argentina to this day, and his political legacy remains an important component of Argentine life. So, I am not going to talk about Perón as a person so much as his ideology and its long shadow in 20th and 21st century Argentina. Let’s make sure we put the bad stuff first, as is my wont when discussing difficult material. Perón sympathized with fascist countries. He was an admirer of Mussolini, and during his exile from Argentina after 1955 he spent the bulk of his time in Franco’s Spain. Yet, his respect for certain fascist ideas was not uncritical. He did believe in patriotic nationalism, but he did not believe in racism, nor in limiting immigration. From the outside it may seem paradoxical that in post-war years he welcomed Nazis and Jews, yet this fact is one small part of the complexity of Perón and Peronismo (his socio-political philosophy).

I can’t say that I fully understand Peronismo (or Peronism) even now after years of trying. Nowadays there are right-wing and left-wing Peronistas (Peronists). The current government is Peronist, but it is nothing like the Peronist movement of the early 1950s. For me Peronismo is a very strange umbrella under which crowds a whole spectrum of political views. More than anything else Peronismo is a cult of personality more than a definable set of viewpoints – focused now more on Eva than Juan. The Peróns’ followers praised (and still praise) their efforts to eliminate poverty and to dignify labor, while their detractors considered them demagogues and dictators.

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Peronismo is also called Justicialismo, the latter name giving rise to the party name Partido Justicialista (Justicialist Party), ultimately derived from justicia social (social justice), one of the three “flags” of Peronismo. The pillars of the Peronist ideal, or the “three flags”, are social justice, economic independence, and political sovereignty. Peronismo can be described as a third position ideology, since it rejects the extremes of capitalism and communism. Peronismo espouses corporatism and thus aims to mediate tensions between the classes of society, with the state responsible for negotiating compromise in conflicts between managers and workers.

It is, however, a generally ill-defined ideology; different, and sometimes contradictory sentiments are expressed in the name of Peronism. Today, the legacy and thought of Perón have transcended the confines of any single political party and bled into the broader political landscape of Argentina, therefore Peronists are usually described as a political movement. Traditionally the Peronist movement has drawn its strongest support from the working class and sympathetic unions, and has been characterized as proletarian in nature. From the perspective of opponents, Peronism is an authoritarian ideology. Perón was often compared to fascist dictators, accused of demagoguery, and his policies derided as populist. Proclaiming himself the embodiment of nationality, Perón’s government often silenced dissent by accusing opponents of being unpatriotic. The corporatist character of Peronism drew attacks from socialists who accused his administration of preserving capitalist exploitation and class division. Conservatives rejected its modernist ideology and felt their status threatened by the ascent of the Peronist apparat. Liberals condemned the Perón regime’s arbitrariness and dictatorial tendencies.

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Defenders of Peronism also describe the doctrine as populist, albeit in the sense that they believe it embodies the interests of the masses, and in particular the most vulnerable social strata. Admirers hold Perón in esteem for his administration’s anti-imperialism, and non-alignment, as well as its socially progressive initiatives. Amongst other measures introduced by Perón’s governments, social security was made universal, while education was made free to all who qualified, and working students were given one paid week before every major examination. Vast low-income housing projects were created, and paid vacations became standard. All workers (including white-collar employees) were guaranteed free medical care and half of their vacation-trip expenses, and mothers-to-be received three paid months off prior to and after giving birth. Workers’ recreation centers were constructed all over the country, including a vast resort in the lower Sierras de Córdoba that included eight hotels, riding stables, swimming pools, movies, and scores of cabins.

Since 1946, Peronist candidates have won 9 of the 11 presidential elections that they have not been banned from participating in. As of 2015, Perón was the only Argentino to have been elected president three times. Perón’s ideas were widely embraced by a variety of different groups in Argentina across the political spectrum. Perón’s personal views later became a burden on the ideology; for example, his anti-clericalism did not strike a sympathetic chord with upper-class Argentinos.

Peronismo is often regarded as a form of corporate socialism, or “right-wing socialism”. Perón’s public speeches were consistently nationalist and populist. It would be difficult to separate Peronism from corporate nationalism; Perón nationalized Argentina’s large corporations, blurring distinctions between corporations and government. At the same time, the labor unions became corporate, ceding the right to strike in agreements with Perón as Secretary of Welfare in the military government from 1943–45. In exchange, the state was to assume the role of negotiator between conflicting interests. Now the unions are at odds with the current president, Cristina Kirchener, who likes to cultivate the image of Eva Perón as well as evoke the image of Peronist Argentina of the 1950s, but with none of the charisma or ideology.

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Perón and his administration resorted to organized violence and dictatorial rule. Perón showed contempt for any opponents, and regularly characterized them as traitors and agents of foreign powers. Perón maintained the institutions of democratic rule, but subverted freedoms through such actions as nationalizing the broadcasting system, centralizing the unions under his control, and monopolizing the supply of newspaper print. At times, Perón also resorted to tactics such as illegally imprisoning opposition politicians and journalists, including Radical Civic Union leader Ricardo Balbin, and shutting down opposition papers, such as La Prensa.

Peronismo also lacked a strong interest in matters of foreign policy other than the belief that the political and economic influences of other nations should be kept out of Argentina. On the positive side, his isolationism meant that he opposed participation in foreign wars. Early in his presidency, Perón envisioned Argentina’s role as a model for other countries in Latin America and beyond. Such ideas were ultimately abandoned. Despite his oppositional rhetoric, Perón frequently sought cooperation with the United States government on various issues.

Perón’s admiration for Benito Mussolini is well documented and many scholars categorize Peronismo as a fascist ideology. Carlos Fayt writes that Peronismo was just “an Argentine implementation of Italian fascism”.] Hayes reaches the conclusion that “the Peronist movement produced a form of fascism that was distinctively Latin American”. One of the most vocal critics of Peronismo was the Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges. After Perón ascended to the presidency in 1946, Borges wrote:

Dictatorships breed oppression, dictatorships breed servility, dictatorships breed cruelty; more loathsome still is the fact that they breed idiocy. Bellboys babbling orders, portraits of caudillos, prearranged cheers or insults, walls covered with names, unanimous ceremonies, mere discipline usurping the place of clear thinking… Fighting these sad monotonies is one of the duties of a writer. Need I remind readers of Martín Fierro or Don Segundo that individualism is an old Argentine virtue.

Perón’s ideology was economic and political in character and did not have the racism of Nazi Germany, though he was sympathetic to the Nazi government in some respects. Peronismo did not have anti-Semitic or other racial biases. The Jewish Virtual Library writes that while Juan Perón had sympathized with the Axis powers, “Perón also expressed sympathy for Jewish rights and established diplomatic relations with Israel in 1949. Since then, more than 45,000 Jews have immigrated to Israel from Argentina.” In the book Inside Argentina from Perón to Menem author Laurence Levine, former president of the US–Argentine Chamber of Commerce, writes: “although anti-Semitism existed in Argentina, Perón’s own views and his political associations were not anti-Semitic”. While Perón allowed many Nazi criminals to take refuge in Argentina, he also attracted many Jewish immigrants. Argentina has a Jewish population of over 200,000 citizens, the largest in Latin America and one of the largest in the world.

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In the final analysis I have to say that Peronismo is very difficult to understand, partly because of the complex character of Perón himself, and partly because of the shifting sands of Argentina’s political landscape. Ask 1,000 Argentinos for a definition of Peronismo and you will get 1,000 answers. In theory Peronismo embraces social justice, but not often in practice. On the surface Argentina is not a racist country but under the surface there are problems, particularly with the indigenous populations (especially in the north), occasional violence against Jews (who have a complex love/hate relationship with Israel), and a largely unspoken history of genocide against Afro-Argentinos. Any black people you see on the streets of Buenos Aires nowadays are almost certainly new immigrants from West Africa.

Argentina is a nation of immigrants, and unlike the U.S., for example, is not ambivalent about new immigration. Buenos Aires has well established neighborhoods for Chinese and Korean immigrants who peacefully co-exist with the rest of the population. The cuisine reflects this multiculturalism, particularly when it comes to restaurant food. The Italian influence is obvious there. All Italian dishes, notably pizza and pasta, have an Argentine twist, such as the heavy, and very popular combination of ravioli with beef stew or estofado.

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Vitel tonné (vitello tonnato in Italian) is of Italian Piedmontese origin, very popular at Christmas Eve meals in Buenos Aires. It is a dish of cold, sliced veal covered with a creamy, mayonnaise-like sauce that has been flavored with tuna. It is served chilled or at room temperature, and is considered very elegant. It is prepared at least a day (or more) in advance by braising or simmering a piece of veal from the back leg, which is then cut into thin slices. For the sauce, originally fresh white tuna (in most cases now canned tuna is used to reduce cost and preparation time) is simmered until fully cooked in white wine, cider vinegar, white onion, and garlic, and then puréed with a mix of olive oil and egg yolks in an electric blender or food processor to form a thick mayonnaise. For the mayonnaise a variety of seasonings can be used, including anchovies, cayenne pepper and lemon juice. The thick, smooth purée is then somewhat thinned with a little water and cooking liquid from the veal and a few capers are stirred in. Some of the sauce is spread out on a serving platter and the cold slices of veal are arranged in a single layer on top. The rest of the sauce is then poured over the veal so that it is, completely covered. The dish is allowed to refrigerate for a period up to 5 days to fully develop the flavor.